Monday, June 9, 2008
1) Busy because of exam.......and some other stuff
2) Fucked up internet..........always disconnect and some stupid reason!!
3) Internet on off then cannot on de!!
and i am going to update on some post la!! DOnt know yet oso!!
Tomorrow oni update larr!!
And for some fun and the trip to kenyir go to jeslyn's blog k??
The link should be at the sidebar......lol!!
Thursday, May 1, 2008
. So i went back at 11 o'clock and i got ready by about 12.10. So then nik was going to pick me up at 12.30 so i was like very rush. So i got into my tux and waited for nik to come.... Finally nik came and pick me up at 12.45p.m. I got into the car and we went of for Taylors in Subang(dam far) . After that we arrive at about 1.15p.m and went to cafe positive and we waited there as the conference only starts at 2.30p.m so then we went to taylors at 1.45 to do some preparations for the conference . And we had to carry some tables into the hall and so on. Then we went register our name and then after that we were asked by somebody to be bouncers so that no one goes in! aS THE CONFERENCE is about to start! So SG people arrived about 2.45(late). So the conference started! With opening speeches and some other stuff then i was like so bored then i was sending note form letters to Russia Federation ( Quite hot) And i said i was like dam bored and she was also dam bored as she got many warnings. then after that she said talk again tomoro and the thing is going to end soon.So then the day ended at about 7 and i went home with nik(leo) and dan(ash) so then my dad came and pick me up from nik house.......................
So second day ! sAME THING happened
The day started at about 8 o'clock
And resolution writing started i have been logged on to 4 resolutions (reso) and quite alot of thing to do..... And continue talking to russia
And then we started debating on the reso at about 11 and at 12.30 we went to eat at burger king! As we come back we started debating again all the way to 5 and we went back as usual.
But this time i went to tawakal hospital with nik because his dad had an operation......
SO then third day, Rather sleepy morning
We got there rather early to...
So the conference comments and we had 2 more reso to debate on! But actually we have three and then they cut one out because of plagiarism so we went for lunch at about 12 i went to starbuck and mcd.....
Then planary session comments all the way to 5 and we all voted the the best! Which is conflict diamonds and so we had a closing event at 5 and we had some fun and we all went back!
So much of this events ended in just a second! Goint to have anotha conference by my school! And will post more about ME AND M.U.N
This article explores the nature of links between terrorism and trafficking in illicit narcotic drugs. It discusses some of the empirical evidence on the simultaneous presence of armed conflict, including the terrorist variety, and the cultivation, processing and trafficking of narcotic drugs. While some authors postulate close links - and even convergence - between terrorist groups and organized crime groups, the author of this article is more skeptical about the nature and extent of this connection. He points out both similarities and differences between these two types of organizations and also explores the possible reasons which might tempt - and restrain - groups of one type to establishing connections with groups of a significantly different mindset. He finds that the “in-house” development of organized crime activities by terrorist organizations is a more imminent problem than a close alliance or convergence of organized crime and terrorist organizations. Consequently, he recommends that the Palermo Convention against Transnational Organized Crime be used to prevent terrorist organizations from acquiring the financial resources needed to launch and maintain terrorist campaigns. At the same time he is skeptical about the use of the concept of “narco-terrorism”. Its implication, the fusing of the “war on drugs “and the “war on terror,” might do a disservice to both.
by Alex Schmid
On December 9th 1994, the General Assembly of the United Nations issued a Declaration on Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism wherein it expressed, inter alia, its concern “at the growing and dangerous links between terrorist groups and drug traffickers and their paramilitary gangs, which have resorted to all types of violence, thus endangering the constitutional order of states and violating basic human rights”.
Since then, much stronger and broader statements have been made, especially in Security Council resolution 1373 (2001) wherein the Council “Notes with concern the close connection between international terrorism and transnational organized crime, illicit drugs, money-laundering, illegal arms-trafficking, and illegal movement of nuclear, chemical, biological and other potentially deadly materials.…”
Of all the alleged and real links between terrorism and other forms of crime, the one between illicit drug trafficking and terrorist and guerrilla organizations seems to be the strongest. It certainly appears to be the best documented. Yet, while there are hundreds of terrorist organizations and at least as many drug trafficking organizations, the evidence, which is said to exist, is derived from relatively few cases.
For some thirty countries, a link between armed conflicts and illicit drug production and trafficking can be established with reasonable certainty. Yet according to UN estimates, there are more than 100 countries involved in some way in the illicit drug trade, either in terms of cultivation, processing, trafficking, distribution, or the laundering of illicit profits. While in most countries where drugs are produced, trafficked or consumed there is a causal link to crime, including violent crime, these are not necessarily terrorist crimes. There is often only sparse empirical evidence for some of the frequently cited cases of alleged connections between illicit drugs and terrorism. Even where these links have been established with reasonable certainty, estimates about the profits from drug trade going to terrorists vary widely. Lack of conclusive proof is often compensated by deductive reasoning such as this: with the end of the Cold War state-supported terrorism declined and terrorists had to look for alternative sources of financing and found it, inter alia, in the production, taxing and trafficking of illicit drugs like cannabis, heroine and cocaine.
The crucial question is: are these known and probable linkage cases, as it were, the tip of an iceberg, or are they, on the contrary, the exceptions to the rule that terrorist organizations and drug traffickers do in general, not work together?
Illicit drugs are, to be sure, not the only possible source of income for terrorists. The spectrum of terrorist funding is broad, as Table 2 makes clear.
Table 1: Principal Sources of Terrorist Financing
individual and corporate, voluntary contribution or coercive extortion
voluntary contribution or coercive extortion
Co-ethnic and co-religious support
donations and contributions from people with religious or ethnic affinity
patron states encouraging terrorist group to engage an inimical state
Public and private donors and individual financiers:
support for terrorist-controlled welfare, social and religious organizations
Low level crime and organized crime:
fraud, illegal production and smuggling of drugs, document forgery, smuggling, kidnapping for ransom, armed robbery, money-laundering, racketeering, smuggling of, and trafficking in, human beings
Investments and legitimate business:
money earned (e.g. from publications) is used to acquire enterprises and engage in trade with profits being used to finance terrorism
Non-governmental organizations and community organizations:
terrorist organizations set up front organizations, which receive funds from sister NGOs in other countries or infiltrate established community organizations, which receive grants.
In 1983, the term "narcoterrorism" was introduced by Peruvian President Belaunde Terry. It became very popular in a very short time . Grant Wardlaw, a senior Australian criminologist, wrote a few years later:
"Narcoterrorism has emerged as a potent weapon in the propaganda war waged by governments against terrorists, insurgents, organised crime, drug traffickers, and even other sovereign states (…). Where “narcoterrorism” is used as an analytical concept intended to convey information about the dimensions of an activity and methods of countering it, it must have well defined boundaries and not subsume under the one rubric a variety of activities of different types, involving different sorts of actors and having a range of (sometimes) contradictory law enforcement and national security implications. In fact, these contradictions are violated by most uses of the term “narcoterrorism”.
A look at a dozen existing definitions (see Appendix II) supports the statement above.
Grant Wardlaw even suggested that we should scrap the term “narcoterrorism” in an effort to encourage a more critical and specific study of drug links to terrorist and insurgent groups. This advice is still worth pondering. If one looks at the activities of organized crime groups and terrorist groups in terms of their respective motivations and group goals rather than demonizing them in terms of a drug mafia-cum-terrorist conspiracy, one is in a better position to understand the extent - and the limits - of cooperation between organized crime groups and secular and non-secular terrorist groups.
One author who has utilized such an approach is Chris Dishman. He has argued that transnational organized crime groups (TOCs) and terrorist groups will,in general, not cooperate with each other to advance aims and interests, preferring to utilize their “in-house” capabilities to undertake criminal and political acts. He postulates the adaptation by these groups of each other’s “core competencies” (for example, a transnational organized crime group’s experience in smuggling drugs or a guerrilla group’s expertise in detonating bombs from a distance). He holds that: “The disinterest of TOCs and guerrillas to forge lasting alliances is a pattern supported by the limited number of examples where collaboration between the two groups has actually occurred."
However, sometimes the development of “in-house” capabilities takes more time than is available and in such cases each other’s services are sought. In the case of
The cross-over between terrorist and criminal organizations has caused some analysts - and even more politicians - to lump these two types of underworld organizations together. When it comes to the question of whether one should keep terrorism and organized crime conceptually (and operationally) apart or place them together under some label like “narco-terrorism”, a number of considerations arise. A case has been made for both positions. The argument for keeping them apart has been argued forcefully by Alison Jamieson:
“Organised crime and terrorism are correctly viewed as quite distinct phenomena. Essentially, the terrorist is a revolutionary, with clear political objectives involving the overthrow of a government or the status quo, and a set of articulated strategies to achieve them. Organised crime actors are inherently conservative: they tend to resist political upheaval and seek conditions of order and stability, those more conductive to their business activities. Unlike terrorists, who project an ´ideal state´ for which they are prepared to sacrifice their lives, organised crime sees no virtue in sacrifice, has no comparable sense of ´victory´ or ´defeat´, but operates according to a set of short and medium-term goals to be realised with maximum profit and minimum risk.
In general, the organised criminal power system is not “anti-state”, but a parallel organisational model with its own legal and ethical rules, hierarchy of authority and military force. (…) Thus, unlike terrorist actors whose raison d´etre is direct confrontation with the state against which they practice violence, the survival of an organised crime group depends upon operating within the state, on the penetration by criminal actors of the legitimate political, economic and social spheres”.
On the other side, there are those who tend to label all armed groups “terrorist groups” and equate all insurgents with criminals. With regard to the second they are right in the sense that under domestic law, an internal uprising against the state is considered a crime by those holding state power and by the law of the land. Only international law gives some insurgent groups the status of privileged combatants. This finds its expression in the additional protocols to the Geneva Conventions formulated in 1977. These should not, however, apply to terrorists since their deliberate attacks on non-combatants should deprive them of combatant status. Were it war, such acts would be war crimes and the fact that these are committed in peacetime makes them even more objectionable. Terrorists and war criminals have much in common. Yet, what are the commonalities between terrorist and organized crime groups?
CONFLICT DIAMONDS: WHAT’S HAPPENING NOW
• Diamond-fuelled wars have killed over 4 mil lion people, destroyed countries, and displaced
mil lions more.
• Blood diamonds are not just a problem of the past – blood diamonds from
currently reaching international markets. The UN recently reported $23 mil lion in blood
diamonds from the
have fuelled the conflict in the Congo (DRC), the bloodiest war since WWII; armed violence and
human rights abuses continue over control of diamonds mines in eastern
havoc in a country.
• The government-run Kimberley Process, set up to stop the trade in conflict diamonds, has
serious weaknesses that must be addressed to make this system effective. Government controls
are not strong enough or enforced effectively enough to make sure that diamonds mined by rebel
groups don’t get sold to fuel conflict.
• Governments have let the industry off the hook, failing to hold the industry to account over the
trade in blood diamonds.
¬ Diamond companies and traders exploit weak government controls and poor enforcement
along the diamond supply chain and continue to trade in blood diamonds with impunity.
¬ Massive Kimberley Process-related fraud has also been uncovered in
controls and carry out more checks on the industry.
• The diamond industry, worth $60 billion in 2005, has failed to match its rhetoric with action. It
agreed to police itself in support of the Kimberley Process, but it has not made a wholesale
change in the way it operates to make sure that diamonds never again fuel conflicts. Some
members of the industry continue to operate with impunity - breaking the law and trading in blood
diamonds - while the rest of the industry turns a blind eye.
• The industry’s voluntary system of warranties is more of a PR exercise than a credible
system. It is not a robust or credible system that will combat conflict diamonds. There is no third
party verification or monitoring to make sure that companies are adhering to the system and
responsibly sourcing diamonds. The warranties system is not backed up with concrete policy
• Consumers can play an important role in combating conflict diamonds. When in a diamond
store, consumers should ask for a guarantee that the diamond they are buying is conflict-free.
• Global Witness and Amnesty International are supporting the film, Blood Diamond, as an
important way to raise awareness about how diamonds can fuel conflict. We hope that as a result
of the movie, people will ask more questions before buying a diamond, and that the industry will
take action to make sure companies can provide consumers with adequate assurances that the
diamonds they sell are conflict-free.
Background – More detail on Blood Diamonds
• Blood diamonds have been used by rebel groups to fuel brutal wars in
have resulted in over 4 mill ion deaths and the displacement of mill ions of people in
international diamond dealers giving rebels profits to buy large quantities of small arms.
• In 1998 Global Witness began a campaign to expose the role of diamonds in funding conflicts.
As the largest grassroots human rights organization in the world, Amnesty International has been
instrumental in educating the public about the problem, and pressing governments and industry
to take action. Over the years, international pressure has increased from a large coalition of
• In 2003, the government-run Kimberley Process scheme was launched to stop the trade in
conflict diamonds. Over seventy governments taking part in the process are required to certify
that diamond shipments through their countries are conflict-free, and they are required to set up
diamond control systems to ensure this is true. Governments must pass national laws
implementing the Kimberley Process and they can only trade with other participants in the
• The diamond industry agreed to police itself to support the Kimberley Process by tracking
diamonds from mines all the way to retail stores – this is generally referred to as the “system of
warranties” or the “system of self regulation.” But it isn’t fully implemented. Every company
dealing in diamonds should have a policy in place to ensure their diamonds are conflict-free.
• Governments must also step in and monitor the diamond industry. They should require all sectors
of the diamond trade to put meaningful systems in place to combat conflict diamonds
(responsible sourcing policies, third party auditing measures). Governments should carry out
periodic spot checks of diamond companies to make sure they have systems in place to prevent
any trade in conflict diamonds. Governments participating in the Kimberley Process have agreed
that it is a priority to set up government checks of rough diamond companies over 2007.
• The World Diamond Council, set up to represent the diamond industry on conflict diamonds, has
launched an aggressive, multi-mill ion dollar PR campaign aimed at convincing the public that
the conflict diamond problem has been solved. This campaign jeopardizes global efforts to stop
diamonds from fuelling conflict and to protect the legitimate diamond trade in
profit and inaction come at the expense of economic development in
of people’s lives.
• Many diamond-rich countries are extremely poor and people are not benefiting from the wealth
in their soil. Diamond fields are rife with chaos and instability, and rebel groups and terrorists can
still take advantage and access diamonds. The Kimberley Process means little to hundreds of
thousands of men and children digging for diamonds in dangerous, dirty and difficult conditions
picks, shovels and sieves.
Within the diamond industry, there are a number of crucial social and environmental factors that must be considered. These include conflict diamonds, child labor, the role of state institutions, blood diamond campaigns, and the resulting effects on global demand. These are all important in terms of social welfare, but increasingly they are directly affecting production and consumption patterns as well.
The United Nations defines conflict diamonds as "diamonds that originate from areas controlled by forces or factions opposed to legitimate and internationally recognized governments, and are used to fund military action in opposition to those governments or in contravention of the decisions of the Security Council."2 These diamonds are also knows as “blood diamonds.”Conflict diamonds captured the world's attention during the civil war in
Because diamonds are untraceable, highly valuable and easy to conceal, they are often used by rebel groups in
“Illegally traded rough diamonds used for tax evasion and money laundering represent as much as 20 percent of annual world diamond production. The scope of this illicit trade has particularly fuelled the spread of diamonds used by rebel armies to pay for weapons."5 Over the past decade, these diamonds have lead to armed conflict, war, and death, primarily in Angola, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where an estimated of 3.7 million people have died.6
Today, the wars in
And this is some facts about Nigeria, My represented nation:
Rich resources, large internal market and human potentials did not prevent
The federal administrative structure is reflected in establishment and functioning of 21 federal states. Upon the independence (1960)
The ethnic diversity of Nigerian society is reflected in the fact that the country has over 250 identified ethnic groups. Three very large ethno-linguistic entities dominate: the Yoruba, the Ibo and the Hausa-Fulani in the North. The Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba, Ibo, Kanuri, Tiv,
General Directions of Cultural Policy
The rights and various attempts of the people of
- analysis and understanding of the Nigerian cultural life, cultural values and cultural needs and expectations of people;
- affirmation of the authentic cultural values and cultural heritage;
- building up of a national cultural identity and parallel affirmation of cultural identities of different ethnic groups;
- development of cultural infrastructure and introduction of new technologies in cultural activities;
- establishment of links between culture and education, as well as between education and different cultural industries, particularly mass media.
National cultural policy is generally regarded as an instrument of promotion of national identity and Nigerian unity,as well as of communication and cooperation among different Nigerian or African cultures, while the federal states' cultural policies stand for the affirmation and development of particular (ethnic) cultures.
Ministry of Culture and Social Welfare has two departments responsible for administering and implementing cultural policies. The Federal Department of Culture is responsible for the formulation and execution of the national cultural policies, for the financing and promotion of all national cultural organizations and for international cultural relations. The National Council for Arts and Culture encourages and develops all aspects of Nigerian cultures and interacts with private or public organizations.
Other federal bodies partly involved in cultural life and policies are Ministry of Information and Ministry of Education.
Different cultural sectors are covered by the statutory bodies at the federal level, such as the following: National Commission for Museums and Monuments, National Library of Nigeria, Center for Black and African Arts and Civilization, National Gallery of Modern Art, Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria, Nigerian Television Authority, Film Corporation of
The Federal Ministry of Culture and Social Welfare is in charge of cooperation and coordination among various bodies at the national, state and local government levels.
The promotion and development of culture is the exclusive responsibility of each Nigerian state, although the Federal Government finances and offers administrative support for culture to each state. State or provincial authorities have all established State Art Councils set up by law. These art councils have the responsibility to develop, administer and promote state cultural policies.
Cultural organizations at both federal and local levels, artistic associations, specialized institutions, agencies, etc., operate through registration with the authorities. Organized cultural centers usually function within the local communities or at the universities. They are self-organized and sometimes supported for specialized, particular activities only. Some may also operate as small private enterprises, which is the case of small performing groups, small publishers, etc.
Instruments of Cultural Policy
Functioning of public and semi-public bodies dealing with culture, as well as the main inputs in cultural infrastructure such as building of museums, theaters, establishment of libraries etc. are mainly covered from the federal budget. This also stands for the organization of large events such as national or literary festivals organized by federal or state agencies of culture.
Planning of cultural activities or of the establishment of cultural infrastructure is linked to the budget provisions preparations. It hardly goes beyond an action or project planning. A general development plan of the country may provide for the construction of cultural infrastructure or for major cultural events. The project planning is restricted to either the local level, or, in the case of international cultural cooperation, fully complies with the provisions of the donor organization.
Spending for culture depends on the interests and possibilities of the large public, particularly in the case of pop music, smaller performing groups, artisans, etc.
The Nigerian Constitution has the provisions regarding the rights of Nigerian people to develop and promote their cultures, and to apply their cultures as an instrument promoting national identity and unity.
The Legislative List of the Nigerian Constitution defines the mandate of the Federal government, as well as of the state and provincial authorities, in the field of culture. According to the List, each
Acts of the National Assembly of Nigeria define the role and functioning of the specialized bodies dealing with culture.
Particular laws passed by the state or provincial authorities represent the statutory basis for the establishment of arts councils and the other local bodies.
Cultural heritage is widely recognized as the most important input in defining the national and ethnic cultures in
Although a lot of work has been done in research, systematization and preservation of cultural heritage. There is a need for well established documentation on cultural heritage, as well as a need for a well organized service for its restoration and preservation.
Artistic and literary creation depends mostly on the individual initiatives or on the local support. The federal Fund for the Assistance to Arts and Drama offers assistance to artists in the provision of fellowships, study grants for travels and purchase of the needed materials. Other types of support available to artists or writers depend on cultural industries that are directly involved or influence artistic and literary creation.
Performing arts are to a certain extent supported through investments in cultural infrastructure, such as building of theaters, stadiums hosting large festivals, etc.
University courses, apart from those designed to train journalists, are not specialized enough to prepare students for work in either cultural industries or as organizers of cultural activities. Specialists at higher level are usually trained on the job, and often also in the specialized institutions abroad.
Informal training carried on through seminars, workshops etc. is usually organized in accordance with the pressing needs for specialized personnel.
Cultural industries develop either as a state monopoly (i.e., television broadcasting), as public, or as private industries. The ownership structure is clearly reflected in the development of cultural industries.
Publishing and reading are estimated to be underdeveloped in
Inconsistent fiscal and education policies in
The main problems encountered by the publishing industry are the following: printing equipment is rather obsolete and scarce; there are constant shortages of paper; the publishing personnel is not always well trained. The linguistic problem is also important, as most indigenous languages do not have developed orthographies. The inconsistent educational policies, unreliable authorities supposed to support some publishers, piracy and poor promotion and distribution are also mentioned as problems.
Large internal markets and ever greater needs linked to the fast spreading education and reading culture support strongly the development of publishing industry.
Mass media/radio and television broadcasting industries have been spreading very tastly, motivated by 2 main factors: politics and education. Technical and technological reasons should be added as these enabled a very fast proliferation of radio and TV stations in
TV transmission began in
Educational television began broadcasting to schools in 1959 and soon became a very important input in development of TV. The merits of TV for the development of education in
There were efforts to coordinate the growth of TV. The military government introduced in 1976 the Nigerian TV authority - NTA that took over the 10 then existing TV stations and created 9 more. However, in 1979 the Constitution gave the Nigerian president the mandate to allow state governments, organizations and individuals to establish and operate TV stations. In 1984 the military government nationalized all TV stations and established a state monopoly over television broadcasting. Proliferation of TV and radio stations proved to be a very powerful means for the emancipation of ethnic cultures and values.
Film production seems to be the least developed among the Nigerian mass communications industries. The local production of films is not encouraged neither financially nor through some cultural policy. The poor distribution networks operated mostly by strangers and dependent on Indian and American production do not support the production of domestic films. The state censorship also prevents production and distribution of domestic films. Some authors claim that the restructuring of the film industry through the nationalization of film production and distribution would be welcome. The need to set up laboratories and train professionals is also emphasized.
Neither in the sphere of economics, nor in the sphere of politics, Nigerian authorities and Nigerian intellectuals have never denied culture a very important role. The need to integrate cultural activities and values in all spheres of life has been very loudly pronounced in the post-independence development of
However, the clash between modernization (westernization) on one, and the traditional cultural values on the other side could not have been avoided. The traditional cultures have been more or less left to the local initiatives. In the context of rather radical developmental changes, they have generated different types of pop-cultures: pop-music based on the strong authentic traditions; pop-literature (market literature) produced for the barely literate audience and expressing the general popular concerns; performing arts and groups inheriting the status of traditional performers (like for instance popular theater performances by more then 100 Yoruba professional popular ambulant groups), etc. Cultural industries and new technologies have very much influenced such developments by enabling fast communication and creation of internal (music, literature, etc.) markets.
The most important issue of cultural development is certainly the issue of creation of either national Nigerian, or affirmation of ethnic cultural identity. This is also an important political issue, as the Nigerian federalism tried to put together the achievements of the modern democratic West European state and the local cultural traditions. The whole process of restructuration and adjustment is in fact the process of defining the identity of Nigerian peoples and individuals.
Development of education, establishment and growth of cultural institutions and cultural industries all reflect the constant processes of change in Nigerian life and Nigerian cultures. It is impossible to quantify these processes, but it is evident even now that the cultural growth is reflected in the new type of Nigerian culture and identity. It is not based on the merging of different cultural traditions, but it implies a certain selection of values that would define a modern cultural identity of
The local cultural milieu of
Generally speaking, the cultural life in
On the other side, the cultural life is very much influenced, and defined, by the cultural industries, particularly mass media. Cultural industries bring into the Nigerian cultural life new civilizational and technological standards that are easily accepted by the majority of population.
The recent evolution of cultural life in
Cultural cooperation of
Regional African cooperation is mostly based on the common developmental experience and some similar characteristics of African cultures. It is motivated by the need to work on the emancipation of African cultures. The Black African arts and civilizations try to establish mutual links and exchange, which is not very easy as the authentic values and types of communication do not normally bring them closely together. Pan-African festivals offer an occasion for over-all presentation of arts and crafts, and the Nigerian government has hosted such manifestations (e.g. in 1977.).
Cooperation with western countries is mostly based on the presentation of Nigerian arts and crafts, or Nigerian music to the western audiences, and on the transfer of knowledge on cultural institutions and activities from the West. Nigerian cultures are very much in contact with the western cultural production and mass media, while the information on Nigerian cultures are very scarce in the West. The balance can hardly be reached.
The Nigerian government backs the cultural exchange through exchange of artists, exhibitions, information materials, etc. on the reciprocal basis.
Cooperation with UN, and particularly UNESCO, is of special concern. Apart from the support for festivals, exhibitions, etc., UNESCO pays particular attention to relevant cultural issues, such as copyright information management and enforcement, collection, analysis and documentation of the oral traditions, restoration and conservation of national monuments, creative writing, education, training in cultural development, establishment of a specialized National Institute for Cultural Orientation, etc. It is also through this organization that the Nigerian cultural institutions or associations join specialized international associations and organizations.
Federal Ministry of Information
National Theatre, Iganmu
Historical Society of
Dept. of History
Ministry of Culture and
Kofo Aboyomi St.
National Commission for Museums and
National Council for Arts and Culture
Inagmu PMB 12524
National Library of
Nigerian Institute of Architects
2 Idowu Taylor St.
Koto Abayomi Rd
Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research
PMB 5, University of
Tel. (022) 400500
Nigerian Library Association
c/o The National Library of
Nigerian National Commission for UNESCO
Federal Ministry of Education
Tel. (01) 636099 631140; 633104
Fax (01) 633104
Federal Dept of Antiquities
Tel: 400550 (ext. 1496)
Situation and Trends in Cultural Policy in African Member States:
UNDP Advisory Note on the Fourth Country Programme for
Ason, Bur. Cultural Dimension of Development. The
Oluge, Ben. National Language and National Development, Congress of the Language Association of Nigeria-LAN, 1987.
Fasuyi, T. A. Cultural Policy in
[vob-\oki}, Nada. Cultural Policy in
Boafo, Kwame S. T. The Cultural Components of Journalism and Communication Educational Programmes: The Case of English-Speaking African Countries,
The Publishing Business in
Umeh, Charles C. The Advent and Growth of Television Broadcasting in
Enahoro, Augustine-Ufua. Film Makers and Film Making in
This monograph is based on data received from the Culturelink Cultural Policies Data Bank, and on documents collected by the Documentation Centre for Cultural Development and Cooperation, Culturelink, in
Return to the Culturelink Cultural Policy Data Bank Index
Return to the Webster's World of Cultural Policy Home Page
Return to the overall WWCD Home Page
Webster's World of Cultural Democracy
The World Wide Web center of The Institute for Cultural Democracy
firstname.lastname@example.org(Don Adams, WWCD Project Director)
© copyright The Institute for Cultural Democracy 1995, 1998
Haha, This i might think we will like:
LGBT rights in Nigeria
Homosexuality in Nigeria is illegal according to Chapter 21, Articles 214 and 217 of the Nigerian penal code and can be punished by imprisonment of up to 14 years. The north of
Recognition of same-sex couples
On January 18, 2007 the Federal Executive Council approved a law prohibiting same sex marriages and sent it to the National assembly for urgent action. According to the Minister of Justice, Chief Bayo Ojo, the law was pushed by President Olusegun Obasanjo following demonstrations for same sex marriage during the international conference on HIV/AIDS (ICASA) in 2005.
The proposed bill calls for five years imprisonment for anyone who undergoes, "performs, witnesses, aids, or abets" a same-sex marriage. It would also prohibit any display of a "same-sex amorous relationship" and adoption of children by gays or lesbians. The bill is expected to receive little or no opposition in Parliament. The same-sex marriage ban would make
The same bill would also call for five years imprisonment for involvement in public advocacy or associations supporting the rights of lesbian and gay people. Included in the bill is a proposal to ban any form of relationship with a gay person. The intent of the bill is to ban anything remotely associated with being 'gay' or just gay in the country.
In February 2006, the United States State Department condemned the proposal. In March 2006, 16 international human rights groups signed a letter condemning the bill, calling it a violation of the freedoms of expression, association and assembly guaranteed by international law as well as by the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and a barrier to the struggle against the spread of AIDS. Some sources claim that
 LGBT life in Nigeria
LGBT Stands for Lesbian Gay Bisexual and Transextual !!! Lol
And this is the Combating The Defamation of Religion topic: Actually this is from a actual united nation confrence:
Department of Public Information • News and Media Division •
Sixtieth General Assembly
45th Meeting (AM)
HUMAN RIGHTS IN
ADDRESSED IN TEXTS APPROVED BY THIRD COMMITTEE
Also Recommends Drafts on Right to Food, Unilateral Coercive Measures,
Respect for National Sovereignty in Electoral Processes among Other Issues
Gravely concerned by “continuing and serious” rights violations occurring in Turkmenistan, the Third Committee (Social, Humanitarian, Cultural) today approved, by a vote of 70 in favour to 38 against, with 58 abstentions, a measure which would have the General Assembly urge the Turkmen Government to respect all human rights -- notably the right of everyone to freedom of thought, conscience and religious belief -- and to cease harassment, detention and persecution of members of religious minorities. (See Annex VII.)
That draft resolution was passed after the Committee narrowly voted down a “no action motion” -- 64 delegations in favour to 70 against, with 26 abstentions -- following
That view was shared by many delegations who expressed opposition to the
Among the eight other drafts approved today was a text on combating defamation of religions -- adopted by a vote of 88 in favour to 52 against, with 23 abstentions -- which would have the Assembly express deep concern at the persistent stereotyping of religion in some regions of the world, and that Islam was frequently and wrongly associated with human rights violations and terrorism. (See Annex I.)
That draft would also have the Assembly stress the need to effectively combat defamation of all religions, Islam and Muslims in particular, especially in human rights forums. It would have the Assembly urge States to provide, within their respective legal and constitutional systems, adequate protection against acts of hatred, discrimination, intimidation and coercion resulting from defamation of religions. Before action was taken on that text, several delegations expressed concern that its language was focused mainly on one religion and region, rather than religious persecution worldwide.
The Committee approved a text on respect for the principles of national sovereignty and diversity of democratic systems in electoral processes as an important element for the promotion and protection of human rights, by a recorded vote of 106 in favour to 4 against (Australia, Israel, Marshall Islands, United States), with 61 abstentions. (See Annex IV.) A text on promotion of peace as a vital requirement for the full enjoyment of all human rights by all was adopted by a recorded vote of 113 in favour to 51 against, with 8 abstentions (
Draft resolutions approved by consensus concerned the Second International Decade of the World’s Indigenous People, the rights of peoples to self-determination, and on the enhancement of international cooperation in the field of human rights. The Committee postponed action on a draft resolution on the situation of and assistance to Palestinian children.
The Third Committee will meet again at 10:00 a.m. Tuesday, 22 November, to continue taking action on outstanding draft resolutions.
Under its agenda item on the promotion and protection of the rights of children, the Committee was expected to take action on a draft resolution on the situation of and assistance to Palestinian children (document A/C.3/60/L.19). The text would have the General Assembly stress the urgent need for Palestinian children to live a normal life free from foreign occupation, destruction and fear in their own State. The Assembly would also demand that
Under its agenda item on indigenous issues, the Committee was expected to take action on a draft resolution on the programme of action for the Second International Decade of the World’s Indigenous People (document A/C.3/60/L.23). That text would have the General Assembly adopt the draft programme of action, and urge all actors involved in the process to cooperate to achieve the Second Decade’s goals. The Assembly would also appeal to the international community to provide financial support to the Decade’s Voluntary Fund and adopt for the Decade the theme “Agenda for Life”. Further, it would request that the coordinator consult with
Under its agenda item on rights of peoples to self-determination, the Committee was expected to take action on a draft resolution on the universal realization of the right of peoples to self-determination (document A/C.3/60/L.59), which would have the General Assembly express its deep concern at continuing acts or threats of foreign military intervention and occupation that are threatening to suppress, or have already suppressed, the right to self-determination of peoples and nations. Further, it would have the Assembly express grave concern that, as a consequence of such actions, millions of people have been and are being uprooted from their homes as refugees and displaced persons. It would emphasize the urgent need for concerted international action to alleviate their condition.
Under its agenda item on human rights questions, including alternative approaches for improving the effective enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms, the Committee was expected to take action on a draft resolution on combating defamation of religions (document A/C.3/60/L.29). The draft would have the General Assembly express deep concern at negative stereotyping of religions and related manifestations of intolerance and discrimination in some regions of the world; strongly deplore physical attacks and assaults on businesses, cultural centres and places of worship, as well as targeting of religious symbols; and express deep concern over the religious defamation campaigns, ethnic and religious profiling of Muslim minorities in the aftermath of the 11 September 2001 events, and that Islam was frequently and wrongly associated with human rights violations and terrorism. The Assembly would also deplore the use of print, audiovisual and electronic media, including the Internet, or other means to incite violence, xenophobia or related intolerance or discrimination towards Islam or any other religion.
Further to the text, the Assembly would stress the need to effectively combat religious defamation, particularly of Islam and Muslims, in human rights forums. It would urge States to take resolute action to prohibit dissemination of racist and xenophobic ideas through political institutions and organizations and urge them to provide, within their respective legal and constitutional systems, adequate protection against acts of hatred, discrimination, intimidation and coercion resulting from religious defamation. It would further call for steps to promote tolerance and respect for all religions and their value systems and to complement legal systems with intellectual and moral strategies to combat religious hatred and intolerance.
The Assembly would also urge States to ensure that all public officials, including law enforcement, the military, civil servants and educators, respect different religions and beliefs, and do not discriminate on the grounds of religion or belief; underscore the need to combat religious defamation through education and awareness-raising at the local, national, regional and international level; and urge States to ensure equal access to education for all and to refrain from racial segregation in schools.
The draft on human rights and unilateral coercive measures (document A/C.3/60/L.34) would have the Assembly urge all States to refrain from adopting or implementing unilateral measures not in accordance with international law and the United Nations Charter. It gives particular attention to those which created obstacles to trade relations among States, thus impeding achievement of rights set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights instruments.
The draft on enhancement of international cooperation in the field of human rights (document A/C.3/60/L.35) would have the Assembly urge all international actors to build an international order based on inclusion, justice, equality and equity, human dignity, mutual understanding and promotion of and respect for cultural diversity and universal human rights, and to reject all doctrines of exclusion based on racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. The Assembly would also call upon Member States, specialized agencies and intergovernmental organizations to continue constructive dialogue and consultations to enhance understanding and the promotion and protection of all human rights and fundamental freedoms.
The draft on promotion of peace as a vital requirement for the full enjoyment of all human rights by all (document A/C.3/60/L.49) would have the Assembly urge all States to apply the purposes and principles of the Charter in their relations with other States, regardless of their political, economic or social system and irrespective of their size, geographical location or level of economic development. Further, it would call upon the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to carry out consultations with Member States and the specialized agencies and intergovernmental organizations, on how the Commission on Human Rights could work for the promotion of an international environment conducive to the full realization of the right of peoples to peace, and encourage non-governmental organizations to contribute actively to that endeavour.
The draft on respect for the principles of national sovereignty and diversity of democratic systems in electoral processes as an important element for the promotion and protection of human rights (document A/C.3/60/L.50), would have the General Assembly call upon all States to refrain from financing political parties or other groups in any other State in a way that would be contrary to the United Nations Charter or would undermine the legitimacy of States’ electoral processes. The Assembly would also condemn acts of armed aggression or use of force against peoples, their elected Governments or legitimate leaders.
The draft on the right to food (document A/C.3/60/L.52/Rev.1) would have the Assembly express its deep concern at the number and scale of natural disasters, diseases and pests and their increasing impact in recent years, which have resulted in a massive loss of life and livelihood and threatened agricultural production and food security, particularly in developing countries. It would stress the importance of reversing the continuing decline of official development assistance devoted to agriculture. It would further have the Assembly consider it intolerable that there are about 852 million undernourished people in the world and that, somewhere in the world, a child under the age of 5 dies every five seconds from hunger or hunger-related diseases, when the Food and Agriculture Organization estimates the planet could provide enough food to feed twice the world’s present population.
It would also express its concern that women are disproportionately affected by hunger, food insecurity and poverty. It would have the Assembly request that all States and private actors, as well as international organizations, take fully into account the need to promote the effective realization of the right to food for all, and urge states to give adequate priority in their development strategies and expenditures to the realization of the right to food. It would call upon Member States, the United Nations system and other relevant stakeholders to support national efforts aimed at responding rapidly to the food crises currently occurring across
Under the agenda item on human rights situations and reports of special rapporteurs and representatives, the Committee was expected to take action on the draft on tbe situation of human rights in
It would have the Assembly express its grave concern at continued discrimination against ethnic minorities in the fields of education, employment and media access, as well as forced displacement of its citizens, including a disproportionate number of ethnic minorities. It would also have the Assembly express its grave concern at continued restrictions on the right of peaceful assembly and the continuing failure of the Government to respond to criticisms regarding the investigation, trial and detention procedures following the reported assassination attempt against the country’s president in 2002. It would have the Assembly express grave concern at arbitrary or unlawful interference with individual privacy and violations of the freedom to leave one’s own country, as well as reported instances of hate speech against national and ethnic minorities and Government policies that significantly restrict equal access to quality health care and education.
The draft would have the Assembly urge the Government of Turkmenistan to ensure full respect for all human rights and fundamental freedoms and work closely with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and cooperate with all the mechanisms of the Commission on Human Rights, particularly requests made by a number of special rapporteurs to visit the country. It would urge the Government to implement fully the recommendations of the rapporteur of the Moscow Mechanism of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and work constructively with the Organization’s institutions. It would urge the Government to allow the International Committee of the Red Cross and other interested representatives of the international community full access to places of detention, and give those in detention full access to lawyers and relatives.
It would urge the Government to respect everyone’s right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief and cease the harassment, detention and persecution of religious minorities. It would urge the Government to bring laws and practices governing registration of public associations in line with standards of the OSCE, and enable non-governmental organizations and other civil society actors to carry out their activities without hindrance. It would also urge the Government to submit reports to United Nations treaty bodies to which it has assumed a reporting obligation and give their recommendations due regard.
Action on Drafts
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The Committee then adopted the measure without a vote.
The Committee then took up the draft on combating defamation of religions (document A/C.3/60/L.29).
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Explanation of position before action
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Before the vote, the representative of
The representative of the United States said her country had been founded on freedom of religion and believed firmly in, not only the protection of religious freedoms, but also in the promoting the rights of others to choose their religions. Indeed, people everywhere must be free to worship the religion of their choice without fear of persecution.
The draft was adopted by a vote of 88 in favour to 52 against, with 33 abstentions. (See Annex I.)
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The text was adopted without a vote.
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Speaking in exercise of the right of reply, the representative of the
The representative of Malaysia, the main sponsor of the draft on human rights and unilateral coercive measures (document A/C.3/60/L.34), speaking on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement and China, said he was concerned about unilateral actions which created obstacles to the full enjoyment of human rights, to trade, and to the well-being of populations, especially women, children, and the elderly. The draft made a strong call against States on imposing coercive measure on other States. He said he hoped the draft would be adopted by overwhelming support.
The Committee then adopted the measure by a vote of 121 in favour to 52 against. (See Annex II.)
The representative of Malaysia, the main sponsor of the draft on enhancement of international cooperation in the field of human rights (document A/C.3/60/L.35), said the draft reaffirmed the importance of international cooperation among Member States, which was essential for achieving the purposes of the United Nations. States had a collective responsibility to uphold dignity and equity. He thanked the other delegations for their constructive spirit in negotiations, and said he hoped the draft would be adopted by consensus.
The Committee then adopted the draft without a vote.
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Speaking in explanation of vote before the vote, the representative of
The Committee then adopted the text by a vote of 113 in favour to 51 against, with 8 abstentions (
Following that action, the representative of Cuba, the main sponsor of the draft on respect for the principles of national sovereignty and diversity of democratic systems in electoral process as an important element for the promotion and protection of human rights (document A/C.3/60/L.50), said that the text recognized the right of peoples to determine the institutions of electoral process, thus highlighting that there was no single model for democracy.
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The text was approved by a vote of 106 in favour to 4 against (
After the vote, the representative of
The Secretary read out a statement regarding financial provisions relating to the draft resolution on the right to food (document A/C.3/60/L.52/Rev.1).
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Speaking in explanation of vote before the vote, the representative of
The Committee then adopted the draft by a vote of 171 in favour to 1 against (
The Committee next took up the draft resolution on the situation of human rights in
Nevertheless, much remained to be dome. When
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Speaking in favour of the motion to adjourn, the representative of
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The motion for no action was rejected by a vote of 64 in favour to 70 against, with 26 abstentions. (See Annex VI.)
Before a vote was taken on the text, the representative of
The representative of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea said that his delegation strongly opposed such country-specific texts. At a time when reform of the Organization’s human rights machinery was under discussion, such politicization and selectivity was deeply troubling. His delegation would vote against the text.
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The text was adopted by a vote of 70 in favour to 38 against, with 58 abstentions. (See Annex VII.)
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Sorry but post dam long ! Nvm la
Going to post more later